CHINA seems to be re-ordering
its national goals by putting economic growth ahead
of unification with Taiwan.
This should go a long way towards
reducing tension across the Taiwan Strait.
The latest indication of a change
in priority came when President Hu Jintao, in a
meeting with a group of overseas Chinese in Brazil,
said: ""Number one, we have to develop
ourselves. Number two, we have to achieve unification.''
Rarely have these two goals been
listed in this order. Some observers in Beijing
read it as an important signal.
Mr Hu's remark tallies with a
new guideline that emerged at the end of a National
Conference on Taiwan held on Sept 24 which, according
to the Ta Kung Pao, a Hong Kong-based pro-Beijing
newspaper, said that China would ""strive
for talks, be ready to fight, and won't mind waiting''.
A source with background knowledge
of that meeting confirmed to The Straits Times
that there was an adjustment in policy to help
relieve the pressure on Beijing to achieve reunification
by a certain deadline.
""But there are prerequisites
for this policy to hold,'' he said.
According to the source, one of
these is, as Mr Hu said at the September meeting,
that Taiwan must not declare independence openly.
Another is that China must be
totally ready to crush the separatist movement
any time it needs to do so.
With these two prerequisites,
China is willing to wait, and allow time to solve
the problem.
The reason for this change in
priority is that Mr Hu saw several favourable conditions
that would allow China to adopt a more flexible
and relaxed approach towards Taiwan, said the source.
First, the United States is more
likely to fine-tune its ""one China''
policy in such a way that it will reduce the elb
ow room of the separatist movement in Taiwan.
This is because it sees greater
strategic and economic value from a sound US-China
relationship not soured by the Taiwan factor.
This assessment, made in September,
seems to be borne out by subsequent developments.
First, US Secretary of State Colin
Powell said last month in Beijing that Taiwan was
not an independent country and hence did not enjoy
sovereignty.
Though the US administration later ""clarified''
that there was no change in US policy, the message
had already been delivered there was a tilt towards
Beijing.
Second, the next few years would
be critical to China's growth and so it should
not miss the opportunity.
Currently, China is the sixth-largest
economic entity in the world in terms of gross
domestic product.
In two years, it will overtake
Britain and become the fifth. In 10 years, it will
become the world's third-largest economic power.
Mr Hu believes that greater economic
clout would render unification easier and hence
this growth trajectory should be
sustained for as long as possible.
Third, with steady growth in its
composite national power, the military balance
in the Taiwan Strait will shift in Beijing's
favour.
This will reduce the likelihood
of Taiwan taking risky steps towards independence
and of foreign powers intervening on its
behalf.
Fourth, social and economic exchanges
across the Taiwan Strait will continue to grow
and provide a strong deterrent against any risky
steps towards independence.
Thus, the source said, Mr Hu had
concluded that time was on Beijing's side and he
could afford to wait and take a longer-term view.
If this reading of the latest
developments is correct, then Mr Hu's Taiwan policy
is discernibly different from that of his
predecessors Jiang Zemin and Deng Xiaoping but similar to that of Mao
Zedong.
China's first-generation leader
Mao was in no hurry to solve the Taiwan issue.
He told visiting US president Richard Nixon in
1972 that China could wait for 100 years to solve
the problem.
Second-generation leader Deng
wanted to see the problem resolved soon lest it
would not be settled at all if leaders of his
generation on both sides of the strait died.
Hence he made unification one
of three main tasks for the Chinese people in the
1980s.
Third-generation leader Jiang
was the most impatient.
In a 2000 White Paper on Taiwan,
China said that an indefinite delay by Taipei to
come to the negotiating table would constitute
a reason for using military action against it.
Early this year, at a meeting
of the ruling Chinese Communist Party's Central
Military Commission, Mr Jiang also indicated that
he wanted to achieve unification by the year 2020.
Since then, there has been talk
of devising a National Unification Law to speed
up the process.
But now Mr Hu wants to remove
the time factor from the policy calculus.
By doing so, he gives peace a
greater chance.
With this policy adjustment, it
now seems that the region could be spared a major
calamity unless Taiwan is bent on daring China
to use force by announcing de jure independence
in the period 2006 to 2008.
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