Under house arrest since the Tiananmen
incident, a new book shows he still endorses the democratisation
of China
Aug 7 2004
Straits Times | 7 Aug
by Ching Cheong
HONG KONG - China's former top leader Zhao Ziyang,
who was toppled in June 1989 for being soft on
students demonstrating
for democracy in Tiananmen Square and has been under
house arrest ever since, has continued to argue for
political reform to this day.
This comes through clearly in a just published
book by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) veteran
Zong Fengming,
the only person outside of the Zhao family who
is allowed to visit the ailing 84-year-old from
time
to time to
treat him with qigong.
Written as a memoir and entitled My Life: A Reflection
And Some Memories Of My Discussions With Zhao Ziyang,
the book is the most comprehensive record yet of
the former leader's views about China and the post-1989
world.
To ensure accuracy and avoid landing Mr Zhao in
hotter soup, the 85-year-old author had him check
the manuscript
before publication. Mr Zhao did. And his unwavering commitment to political
reform comes through loud and clear from his
very decision to allow publication of a speech
which
he made in defence
against charges levied at him by hardliners during
the 1989 crisis.
In that speech, never made public until now,
he said in response to denunciations of him for
being
soft
and opposing the use of troops to crush the protest:
'Sooner
or later, China has to become democratised as
well.
'Instead of being forced by the tide of changes,
it would be much better if we champion the
changes ourselves.
In my long years of work, I deeply feel that
the world has changed and people's minds have
also
changed.
'The idea of democracy is beginning to take
root in China and we have to learn how to
deal with
our problems
in
a democratic manner.'
He was prepared to go to jail for his beliefs.
In fact, then Premier Li Peng and other
hardliners called
for
imprisonment, but Mr Deng Xiaoping, the
supreme leader, vetoed that.
He reportedly explained that though Mr
Zhao had erred, he had still done a lot
of good
work during
his five
years as party chief.
Mr Deng then added that not a single
word from Mr Zhao's political report
to the
CCP's 13th
National Congress
was to be changed.
That ruling saved Mr Zhao from a harsher
fate and kept intact the report which,
to this day,
remains
the most
open-minded advocacy for political
reform in the CCP's history.
According to the book, Mr Zhao reiterated
his calls for reform in a letter
to the CCP's 15th
National
Congress in 1997, saying that it
should start with reversing
the
wrong verdict passed on the Tiananmen
incident.
He argued that the error had to
be corrected, and the sooner
the better.
The damage
to the party
would be
less if it corrected the mistakes
itself.
And whatever political problems
that could follow would be
solved more
easily in times
of relative
stability.
Offering his services to help
bridge the rift between the
party and
the people, he wrote:
'Don't treat
me as a factor of instability.'
Not only was his appeal brushed
aside, but controls over
him were also tightened.
For
example, his
request for
permission to read past
speeches and documents written by
him so as to facilitate
his
memoir work was rejected.
Commenting on the tighter
controls, Mr Jiang Zemin,
Mr Zhao's successor,
was
reported to have said:
'He invited
the insult himself.'
But Mr Zhao remains undaunted.
'This road is chosen
by me,' he said in
another passage
quoted
in the
book.
'I don't want the party
to leave behind a
historical liability. I am glad
that, after
all, in the
history of the CCP,
there is
still someone who
dares to
stand up.'
The book also reproduces
a letter written
by Mr Zhao on
May 26,
1984, to Mr Deng,
urging the latter
to
initiate political
reform so as to
create a
system that can
guarantee China's
long-term stability.
'Since we are a
socialist country
led by the
CCP, it is of
paramount importance
that we
reform the
leadership
system within
the party,' he wrote.
'I sincerely
hope you can
spare some
time
to look
into this
important issue
that could
have an impact
on the
long-term stability
and prosperity
of
our party
and country.'
His plea was
heard by
Mr Deng, who
began speaking
about political
reform
from
1985, as
can be gleaned
from The
Selected Works
Of Deng
Xiaoping.
But then
Tiananmen
happened.
That gave
the hardliners
the chance
to oust
Mr Zhao and
gain ascendancy.
The rest,
as they
say, is
history. |